Groucho Marxism

In a series of recent blog posts I have argued, based on data compiled by Lars Steensland in his 1973 PhD thesis, that Proto-Indo-European – henceforth PIE – had two rather than three types of velar consonant: plain velars and labiovelars. In general, plain velars were palatalized and labiovelars delabialized in the satem languages, whereas both types of velar remained intact in the centum languges. However, under certain phonological conditions, plain velars remained intact in the satem languages and labiovelars were delabialized in the centum languages. In my view, this is what has led many scholars to incorrectly conclude that there must have been three types of velar in PIE. In this blog post I will summarize some of these phonological conditions.

Palatalization was blocked after *s, including mobile *s, in all the satem languages, e.g.: *(s)kel- ‘cut’ > Sanskrit kalā́, Armenian čelkʿem, Albanian halë, Lthuanian skeliù, Old Church Slavonic skala, Greek σκάλλω; *(s)ker- ‘cut’ > Skt. apa-skara-, Avs. čarəman-, Arm. kʿorem, Alb. hirrë, Lth. skiriù, OCS krъnъ, Grk. κείρω. Similarly, palatalization was blocked after non-syllabic *n in all the satem languages, e.g.: *H₂enk- ‘bend’ > Skt. añcati, Avs. anku-, Arm. ankiwn, Lth. anka, OCS  jęčьmy, Grk. ἀγκών (c.f. *H₂ek- ‘sharp’ > Skt. aśáni-, Avs. asəŋga-, Arm. aseɫn, Alb. athëtë, Lth. ašnìs, OCS osla, Grk. ἀκή). In Indic, palatalization was also blocked before *s, e.g.: dhghem- ‘earth’ > Skt. kṣam-, Avs. zā̊, Alb. dhe, Lth. žẽmė, OCS zemlja, Grk. χθών.

Palatalization was blocked before *r in all the satem languages, e.g.: *gerH₂- ~ *grH₂- ‘grow’ > Skt. járate, Avs. azarəšant-, Arm. cer, Alb. grurë, Lth. žìrnis, OCS zьrěti, Grk. ἐγείρω; *kerd- ~ *krd- ‘heart’ > Arm. sirt, Alb. kërth, Lth. širdìs, OCS srъdьce, Grk. καρδίᾱ; *kerH₂- ~ *korH₂- ~ *krH₂- ‘crow’ > Skt. śāri-, kr̥kara-, Arm. sareak, karkač̣, Lth. šárka, kirkiù, OCS soraka, krъknǫti, Grk. κέρκαξ. In Balto-Slavic and Albanian, palatalization was also blocked before (PIE) *o, e.g.: bherghos ‘mountain’ > Arm. berj, OCS brěgъ, Gothic baurgs (c.f. *bhergh- ~ *bhrgh- ‘high’ > Skt. barháyati, Avs. bərəzant-); *kerH₂- ~ *korH₂- ~ *krH₂- ‘horn’ > Skt. śíras-, Avs. sarah-, Arm. sar, Alb. ka, Lth. šìršė, kárvė, OCS sъrъšenь, Russian koróva, Grk. κάρ.

The same blocking of palatalization before *o also took place in Indo-Iranian, e.g.: *H₃moigho- ‘mist’ > Skt. meghá, Avs. maēγa-, Lth. miẽgas, Russ. migátʹ (c.f. *H₃meigh- ‘urinate’ > Skt. mḗhati, Avs. maēzaiti, Arm. mizem, Grk. ὀμείχειν, Lth. mę̃žù, Serbo-Croat mìžâm); *-ghe ~ *-gho ~ *-ghi (enclitic particle) > Skt. ha, gha, hí, Avs. zī, Lth. -gu, OCS -go, Grk. -χί; *ker- ~ *kor- ‘dark’ > Skt. karaṭa-, Arm. saṙn, Alb. thjer-më, Lth. šer̃kšnas, OCS srěnъ, Grk. κόρυζα; *leukos ‘bright’ > Skt. lōká-, Arm. lois, Lth. laũkas, Grk. λευκός (c.f. *luk- ‘shine’ > Skt. rúśant, Arm. lusanunkʿ, OCS vъs-lysъ, Old High German luhs). Thus, palatalization of plain velars was blocked before *o in all the satem languages apart from Armenian. As far as I am aware, this phonological rule has not been specified before.

In Balto-Slavic, palatalization was blocked before resonants and *u when followed by a back vowel, and also before syllabic *l, e.g.: *ghelH₃- ~ *ghlH₃- ‘green’ > Lth. žélti, gel̃tas, OCS zelenъ, žlъtъ, Grk. χλωρός; *ghleH₁- ~ *ghloH₁- ‘shine’ > Lth. žlėjà, glodùs, OCS gladъkъ, OHG gluoen; *H₂ekmen ~ *H₂ekmon ‘stone’ > Skt. aśman-, Avs. asman-, Lth. ãšmens, akmuõ, OCS kamy, Grk. ἄκμων; *kleu- ~ *klou- ~ *klu- ‘hear’ > Skt. śrudhí, Avs. surunaoiti, Lth. šlovė̃, klausaũ, OCS slovo, Grk. κλέω; *kuon- ~ *kun- ‘dog’ > Skt. śvā́, Avs. spā, Arm. šun, Lth. šuõ (gen. šuñs), Sudovian kuo, Grk. κύων. The same blocking of palatalization before resonants took place in Albanian e.g.: *H₃mighleH₂ ‘mist’ > Lth. miglà, OCS mĭgla, Alb. mjegull, Grk. ὀμίχλη (c.f. *H₃meigh- ‘urinate’, above); *gonu- ~ *gnu- ‘knee’ > Skt. jā́nu, Arm. cunr, Alb. gju, Grk. γόνυ.

Labiovelars were delabialized next to *u in all the centum languages, e.g.: *gʷou- ~ *gʷu- ‘cattle’ > Skt. gáuḥ, Grk. βοῦς, Lat. bōs, Old Norse kýr, Welsh bu; *gʷoukʷolH₁os ‘cowherd’ > Grk. boukólos, Wel. bugail (c.f. *kʷelH₁- ‘turn’ Skt. cárati, Grk. πέλω); *gʷu- ‘bend’ > Skt. gudám, Grk. γύπη, Lat. guttur, OHG chubisi, MIr. gūaire, Hit. kuttar; *H₁lengʷhus ‘lightweight’ > Skt. laghú-, Grk. ἐλαχύς (c.f. *H₁lengʷhros ‘lighweight’ > Grk. ἐλαφρός); *H₂uekʷ- *H₂ukʷ- ‘speak’ > Skt. vákti, Grk. ἔπος, Hit. ḫuek-, ḫuk-; *H₃ekʷ- ‘see’ > Skt. ákṣi, Grk. ὄψομαι, Lat. oculus, Got. augō, Wel. enep; *kʷekʷlos ‘wheel’ > Skt. cakrá-, Grk. κύκλος, ON hvēl; *kʷo- ‘what’ > Skt. ká, Grk. ποῦ, Lat. cum, Got. hwas; *kʷub- ‘bend’ > Skt. kubra-, Grk. κύβος, Lat. cubitum, Got. hups.

In Greek, the sequences *KʷoR and *RoKʷ became *KʷuR and *RuKʷ by a process named Cowgill’s law after the American linguist Warren Cowgill, and the labiovelar was then delabialized by the adjacent *u, e.g.: *gʷenH₂- ~ *gʷonH₂- ~ *gʷnH₂- ‘woman’ > Skt. gnā, Grk. γυνή, Got. qino, OIr. ben; *negʷ- ~ *nogʷ- ‘naked’ > Skt. nagná-, Grk. γυμνός, Got. naqaþs, Hit. nekumanza. Similarly, in Germanic, the sequence *KʷRC became *KʷuRC, and the labiovelar was then delabialized by the following *u, e.g.: *gʷhent- ~ *gʷhnt- ‘hit’ > Skt. hánti, ON gunnr, Hit. kuenzi. Note that in Armenian, labiovelars merged with plain velars after *u prior to the palatalization of plain velars, e.g.: *dhugʷH₂ter ‘daughter’ > Skt. duhitár-, Avs. dugədar-, Arm. dustr, Lth. duktė̃, OCS dъšti, Grk. θυγάτηρ, Got. daúhtar.

In Latin and Germanic, labiovelars were delabialized before (PIE) *o, e.g.: *kʷelH₁-, *kʷolH₁- ‘turn’ > Skt. cárati, Grk. πέλω, Lat. colō, Got. hals; *kʷoti- ‘how many’ > Skt. káti, Grk. πόσος, Lat. cottīdiē; *pekʷ-, *pokʷ- ‘cook’ > Skt. pácati, Grk. πέπων, Lat. coquō (< *kʷokʷ-), Wel. pobi. Labiovelars were also delabialized before resonants and before non-syllabic *i in these languages, e.g.: *gʷerH₂- ~ *gʷrH₂- ‘throat’ > Skt. giráti, Grk. βάραθρον, Lat. gurguliō, OHG querdar, ON kragi, Wel. breuant; *gʷrH₂u- ‘heavy’ > Skt. gurúḥ, Grk. βαρύς, Latin gravis, Got. kaurus, Wel. bryw; *H₃noghʷl- ‘nail’ > Skt. aṅghri, ON nagl (cf. *H₃noghʷ- ~ *H₃nghʷ-  ‘nail’  > Skt. nakhá, Grk. ὄνυξ, Lat. unguis, Wel. ewin); *loikʷie- ‘lend’ > Skt. recáyati, ON leigja (c.f. *leikʷ- ‘leave’ > Lth. liekù, Grk. leípō, Lat. līquī, Gor. leihwan).

Finally, note that in all the western languages – Italic, Germanic, and Celtic – labiovelars were delabialized before obstruents, e.g.: *H₁lenghʷtos ‘lightweight’ > Alb. lehtë, Got. leihts (c.f. *H₁lengʷhros ‘lighweight’ > Grk. ἐλαφρός); *likʷtos ‘left behind’ > Lat. relictus (c.f. *leikʷ- ‘leave’, above); *nekʷt- ~ *nokʷt- ‘night’ > Skt. nák, Grk. νύξ, Lat. nox, Got. nahts, Wel. noeth, Hit. nekuz; *pekʷtos ‘cooked’ > Grk. peptós, Lat. coctus, Wel. poeth. There are more phonological conditions that can be specified but I will leave these to a future blog post.